James Comey’s tell-all book, A Higher Loyalty: Truth, Lies, and Leadership, is already a bestseller, but on Thursday the Associated Press ensured a second work by the former F.B.I. director would circulate just as widely when it published 15 pages of Comey’s unreleased memos. Much of the information contained within the documents, which were written contemporaneously by Comey after his meetings with the president early last year, is by now widely known and understood, thanks to a combination of Comey’s congressional testimony, his book, and his recent rash of TV interviews. But one of the more remarkable aspects of the newly released memos remains the president’s obsession with a very specific allegation, pieces of which, he reveals, had been corroborated by the work of other intelligence agencies.

In nearly every interaction they had, Comey recalled that Trump returned to the topic of the Steele dossier, a report compiled by an ex-British spy. Among other things, the dossier contains allegations that the Russians possess what has come to be known as the “pee tape”—a recording of certain interactions between the president and prostitutes in a Moscow hotel room in 2013. When he informed Trump of the allegations, Comey recalled, the president “interjected”: “‘There were no prostitutes; there were never prostitutes.’ He then said something about him being the kind of guy who didn’t need to ‘go there’ and laughed (which I understood to be communicating that he didn't need to pay for sex).” Per Comey, Trump was not unwilling to extemporize on the subject:

He said “2013” to himself as if trying to remember that period of time . . . He said he always assumed that hotels he stayed in when he travels are wired in some way. I replied that I do as well.

He then started talking about all the women who had falsely accused him of grabbing or touching them (with particular mention of a “stripper” who said he grabbed her) . . .

The president said “the hookers thing” is nonsense, but that Putin had told him “we have some of the most beautiful hookers in the world.”

He said he thought maybe he should ask me to investigate the whole thing to prove it was a lie.

In another meeting Trump would go even further, claiming that the timeline of his 2013 trip couldn’t possibly have allowed him time to cavort with “hookers” because he did not stay at the hotel in question that night:

He said he had spoken to people who had been on the Miss Universe trip with him and they had reminded him that he didn’t stay overnight in Russia for that. He said he arrived in the morning, did events, then showered and dressed for the pageant at the hotel (he didn’t say the hotel name), and left for the pageant. Afterward, he returned only to get his things because they departed for New York by plane the same night.

Several social-media posts, as well as statements from Trump’s personal bodyguard suggest otherwise. Yet Comey’s pee-tape conversations with the president always included categorical denials. In a February 2017 memo, however, Comey revealed that elements of the dossier had been confirmed, recalling his answer to a question from Reince Priebus: “I explained that the analysts from all three agencies agreed it was relevant and that portions of the material were corroborated by other intelligence,” he wrote. Though parts of the memo are redacted, Comey seems to note that some information “was consistent with and corroborated by other intelligence, and that the incoming president needed to know the rest of it was out there.”

The memos shed light on other Trump preoccupations, such as Andrew McCabe, the former F.B.I. deputy director who is reportedly preparing to sue the Trump administration for wrongful termination and defamation, among other things. McCabe was fired abruptly last month, and an inspector general’s report has been delivered to federal prosecutors, in what may be preparation for legal charges. But Comey recalls that Trump saw McCabe as a thorn in his side well before their potential legal battle:

At this point, he asked me (and asked again later) whether “your guy McCabe” has a problem with me, explaining that, “I was pretty rough on him and his wife during the campaign.” I explained that Andy was a true professional and had no problem at all.

At about this point, he asked again about “your guy McCabe” and whether he was “going to be okay.” I again affirmed Andy’s ability and professionalism, and said the president would come to see and benefit from both.

He asked (as he had at our dinner) whether my deputy had a problem with him, and recounting how hard he had been on the campaign trail, saying, “The No. 2 guy at the F.B.I. took a million dollars from the Clintons.” I again explained that Andy McCabe was a pro. He asked whether he had ever mentioned to me the campaign attacks. I said “never,” and again explained he was a true pro and you would come to value him. I said if he had it to do over again, I’m sure he would urge his wife not to run, but that the guy put everything aside, and did his job well.

It’s unclear what House Republicans, who demanded the memo be released as evidence to bolster their case against Rod Rosenstein, were hoping to achieve by making them publicly accessible. Perhaps, as Slate’s Jeremy Stahl suggested, Devin Nunes and his ilk were hoping the memos would prove Comey had leaked classified information—a move that Trump memorably called “so illegal!” Instead, the descriptions contained within them simply reinforced Comey’s read on Trump as paranoid, foolish, forgetful, and potentially corrupt.